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Distortions in the Jewish faith and reason چهارشنبه بیست و هفتم دی 1391 8:26
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Smoking can threaten brain’s functions, says study شنبه بیستم آبان 1391 10:10

A new study conducted by British researchers suggests that smoking can affect on brain by inducing damages on its functions in memory, learning and reasoning.


According to the researchers from the King's College London, smoking can lead to severe brain damage even more than high blood pressure and obesity.

The result of brain tests, analysis of health and lifestyle data of 8,800 people of over-50s revealed that smoking rotted the brain in those who had this habit in their life.

According to the report published in the journal Age and Ageing, the participants had to take brain tests such as learning new words or giving names as many animals as they could in a minute.

While the test was repeated among the participants during four and then eight years of the study period, researchers found a "consistent association" between smoking and lower scores in the tests.
The recent study once again demonstrates that lifestyles can damage the mind as well as the body as it confirms an earlier research released in 2009 indicating “smoking tobacco cigarettes, like consuming alcohol, can hurt the brain though the mechanism is different.”
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Childless parents at higher risk of early death: Study شنبه بیستم آبان 1391 10:8
A new study finds that couples who remain childless are at a higher risk of early death.
A new study finds that couples who remain childless are at a higher risk of early death.
A new study by Danish researchers has found that parents who are unsuccessful in having children are at a higher risk of premature death.


The study published in the Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health on December 6, found that the death rate among childless parents was significantly higher than those with children, especially in women, adding that adoption may decrease the risk.

The researchers studied over 21,000 childless couples in Denmark who had been receiving treatment for infertility from 1994 to 2005.

They found that while over 15,000 children were born during these years, 1,600 couples tried adoption. Some 220 men and about 100 women died, and 700 women and nearly 550 men were diagnosed with a mental disease.

The study suggested that the premature death rate from circulatory disease, cancer and accidents among childless women was four times higher than those who had been mothers. For childless men, the death rate was twice higher than biological fathers.

"This study finds that men and particularly women who become parents have a decreased rate of death," the study said.

"Mindful that association is not [the same as] causation, our results suggest that the mortality rates are higher in the childless," it added.

The authors of the study also said that the early death rate was cut in half among childless women who adopted a child. Meanwhile, the death rate among childless men was twice higher than those who became fathers by adoption.
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Economic liberalization and poverty reduction دوشنبه یکم آبان 1391 14:28

Economic liberalization encompasses the processes, including government
policies, that promote free trade, deregulation, elimination of subsidies, price
controls and rationing systems, and, often, the downsizing or privatization of
public services (Woodward, 1992). Economic liberalization has been central
to adjustment policies introduced in developing countries since the late 1970s,
mostly in the context of the conditions for lending set by international financial
institutions. Thus, government policies were redirected to follow a non-interventionist,
or laissez-faire, approach to economic activity, relying on market
forces for the allocation of resources. It was argued that market-oriented
policy reforms would spur growth and accelerate poverty reduction.
From this perspective, government intervention in markets is seen as both
inefficient and distortionary. It is argued that even if an interventionist State
acts with good intentions, it does not have the competence to manage the
economy well. By moving scarce resources into less productive economic activities,
the State is thought to reduce overall economic growth, with adverse
consequences for poverty reduction.


Additionally, for public choice theory, rational, self-interested individuals
maximize their economic benefits and overall economic welfare. In civic life,
politicians, bureaucrats and citizens are all considered to act solely out of selfinterest
in the political arena. Politicians and State bureaucrats, acting from
self-interest, use their power and the authority of the Government to engage in
rent-seeking behaviour, which distorts the allocation of resources and results in
disincentives for private investment and entrepreneurship (Buchanan, 1980).
Therefore, the power of the State and political actors, including the ability to
intervene in the economy, should be limited.
Within this framework, the State creates enabling conditions in the form
of macroeconomic stability, guaranteeing property rights, and maintaining
law and order for rapid economic growth driven by private sector (both domestic
and foreign) investment. As economic growth rises, poverty will fall (Dollar
and Kraay, 2002). Distribution and social justice benefit from the trickle-down
principle, as economic growth will eventually benefit all members of society.
The free market, based on comparative advantage, will thus bring about economic
expansion through labour-intensive export activities, which will create
employment and hence improve the general well-being of the entire society.
The present chapter critically evaluates the growth, employment and poverty
impacts of three major elements of recent economic liberalization—trade
liberalization, financial liberalization and privatization.
98 Rethinking Poverty
Trade liberalization
Trade and economic growth: the theory
Proponents of trade liberalization expect that removing trade barriers will lead
to short-run or static welfare gains (or higher income levels) and in turn reduce
poverty.1 The gains from trade result from the fact that different countries are
endowed with different resources (natural and acquired); hence, the opportunity
cost of producing products varies from country to country. Opportunity
cost is measured by the sacrifice (for example, in the production of one good)
to produce one extra unit of another good, given that resources are scarce.
Under trade protection, resources are concentrated in inefficient production
in economic sectors that have high trade barriers. When barriers are removed,
resources shift away from those inefficient sectors in which that country has
no comparative advantage to the efficient sectors in which it does have a comparative
advantage.
Gains from trade may not be distributed equitably and are determined
by several factors, including the international rate of exchange between two
goods, what happens to the terms of trade, and whether the full employment
of resources is maintained as they are reallocated when countries specialize (see
box VI.1). The closer the international rate of exchange is to a country’s own
internal rate of exchange, the less it will benefit from specialization and the
more the other country will benefit. As Bhagwati (1958) has shown, in extreme
circumstances, one country may become absolutely worse off if real resource
gains from trade are offset by the decline in the terms of trade, a phenomenon
that he called “immiserizing growth” (Bhagwati, 1958).
The problem for many developing countries is that the type of goods in
which they will specialize under a free trade regime—namely, primary commodities—
is likely to cause the terms of trade to deteriorate and may lead to
an underutilization of their resources. First, primary commodities generally
1 Neoclassical economic theory has long contended that trade enhances welfare and growth.
In his An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), Adam Smith
stressed the importance of trade as a vent for surplus production and as a means of widening
the market, thereby improving the division of labour and the level of productivity.
Smith maintained the following:
Between whatever places foreign trade is carried on, they all of them derive two
distinct benefits from it. It carries the surplus part of the produce of their land and
labour for which there is no demand among them, and brings back in return something
else for which there is a demand. It gives value to their superfluities, by exchanging
them for something else, which may satisfy part of their wants and increase
their enjoyments. By means of it, the narrowness of the home market does not hinder
the division of labour in any particular branch of art or manufacture from being
carried to the highest perfection. By opening a more extensive market for whatever
part of the produce of their labour may exceed the home consumption, it encourages
them to improve its productive powers and to augment its annual produce to the
utmost, and thereby to increase the real revenue of wealth and society.
Economic liberalization and poverty reduction 99
Box VI.1
Trade liberalization and exports in Africa
According to proponents of trade liberalization, increased exports following trade liberalization
will ensure higher rates of economic growth, beneficial for the poor. However, Africa’s export
performance following trade liberalization does not support such claims. While greater market
access may well have led to the achievement of the expected results, trade liberalization
resulted in the loss of tariff revenues, eroding fiscal space, and undermined existing productive
capacities and capabilities.
Most African countries have liberalized their trade regimes. Trade liberalization occurred
principally from the late 1980s and in the 1990s, and involved the “tariffication” of non-tariff
barriers, cuts in the number and value of tariffs, exchange-rate liberalization and removal of
export barriers. Overall, export performance in African countries following trade liberalization
has been disappointing. Indeed, although trade liberalization has increased exports expressed
as a percentage of GDP, this effect has been weak, and trade balances in African countries have
deteriorated since liberalization with greatly increased imports.
Analysis of values and volumes of exports from Africa show that, following liberalization,
African exports continued to grow at slower rates in volume terms than in other regions. Only
the rising prices of fuels, minerals and other primary commodities since 2002 have maintained
African export value growth at levels comparable with that in other developing regions.
Export diversification is very low in Africa, an outcome consistent with the theory of
comparative advantage. African countries remain principally primary commodity exporters, as
dictated by their resource endowments. Thus, the dependence of most African countries on a
small number of export products has increased following liberalization. Many countries in the
region are now less able than before liberalization to withstand price collapses for a few key
commodities.
The main destinations for African exports do not appear to have been strongly affected
by African countries’ efforts to liberalize trade. Although there has been some diversification in
the destinations of African exports, the declining importance of European countries as export
markets seems to be part of longer-term trends in growth and demand, unrelated to trade
liberalization. The greater importance of Asia as a market for African exports reflects strong
growth in that region requiring African primary commodities, especially minerals. Recent
changes in the share of African exports going to North America, meanwhile, have been driven
mainly by determined United States efforts to diversify oil supplies and corporate investment
in sub-Saharan Africa.
Source: United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (2008).
have low prices and the demand for them does not rise as fast as income (low
income elasticity of demand). As a result, when their supply increases, prices
can drop dramatically, since demand grows only slowly with income growth.
Secondly, primary commodity production is land-based and subject to diminishing
returns,2 and there is a limit to employment in activities subject to
diminishing returns at a reasonable living wage.
By contrast, in manufacturing, no fixed factors of production are involved,
and production may be subject to increasing returns. Thus, what is often ob-
2 When all inputs are increased proportionately, output does not increase by the same proportion.
This happens in land-based activities as the availability of better-quality land
diminishes. On the other hand, when output increases more than proportionately with
proportionate increases of all inputs, this is described as increasing returns to scale.
100 Rethinking Poverty
served is a secular deterioration of the terms of trade for countries producing
primary commodities vis-à-vis countries specializing in manufacturing
(Ocampo and Parra, 2003). Therefore, in practice, for countries specializing
in activities subject to diminishing returns, the real resource gains from specialization
may be offset by the real income losses from unemployment.
Empirical studies do not point to significant employment generation due
to trade liberalization.3 Furthermore, according to a World Bank study, more
than 70 per cent of gains from complete trade liberalization will accrue to rich
countries, and more than two thirds of static gains to developing countries
from complying with the outcomes of the Doha Round will go to big countries
such as Argentina, Brazil and India in the case of agriculture and to China and
Viet Nam in the case of textiles and garments (Anderson and Martin, 2005).
According to proponents of trade liberalization, the major reason for the
rapid growth arising from trade liberalization is the dynamic gains from trade.
The dynamic gains accrue from augmenting the availability of resources for
production by increasing the quantity and productivity of resources. One of the
major dynamic benefits of trade is that it widens the market for a country’s producers.
If production is subject to increasing returns, export growth becomes a
source of continued productivity growth since there is also a close connection
between increasing returns and capital accumulation. For a small country with
no trade, there is very little scope for large-scale investment in advanced capital
equipment, and specialization is limited by the extent of the market. Other
important sources of dynamic benefits from trade include: stimulus to competition,
acquisition of new knowledge and ideas and dissemination of technical
knowledge, more FDI, and changes in attitudes and institutions.
Trade can raise productivity, however, if increasing returns to scale are
dominant in the export sectors. If, instead, scale economies are more widespread
in import-competing sectors which contract after liberalization, productivity
gains will be limited. Another possibility is that protection increases
inefficiency by drawing too many firms into sectors shielded from foreign competition.
Liberalization brings about rationalization and increased productivity.
This will occur, however, only if there is ease of entry and exit into markets.
In reality, firms may remain in an industry for a long while after protection is
lifted, thus limiting increases in productivity. Finally, if competition for export
markets is intense, uncertainty may make firms reluctant to undertake new
productivity-enhancing investments.
Empirical evidence
The high-performing Asian economies have provided the main reference point
for the resurgence of claims about trade liberalization. The economies of Japan;
3 See chapters by G. Andrea Cornia, Eddy Lee, and Bernard Hoekman and L. Alan Winters
in Ocampo, Jomo and Khan, eds. (2006).
Economic liberalization and poverty reduction 101
Box VI.2
Did trade liberalization reduce rural poverty in China?
China’s success in reducing poverty with the reforms of 1978 is undeniable. The 1980s and 1990s
saw a significant fall in rural poverty. However, as Ravallion and Chen (2004) argue, this had very
little to do with trade liberalization. Several other factors were at work.
The specifics of the situation in China at the outset of reform should not be forgotten.
The Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution had not helped reduce rural poverty in
the period from the 1960s to the mid-1970s. Most of the rural population, forced into collective
farming, had weak incentives to work and produce productively. Hence, there were some
relatively easy gains from de-collectivizing agriculture and shifting the responsibility for farming
to households. This brought a huge gain to the country’s poorest, but a one-time gain.
In China, the Government operated an extensive food grain procurement system which
effectively taxed farmers by setting quotas and fixing procurement prices below market
levels. By raising the procurement prices, the Government of China brought both poverty and
inequality down in the mid-1990s. When so many of a country’s poor are to be found in its rural
areas, it is not surprising that agricultural growth plays an important role in poverty reduction.
China’s experience is consistent with the view that agriculture and rural development are crucial
to pro-poor growth in low-income developing countries.
Why did agricultural growth have strong poverty-reducing effects in China? Relatively
equitable land allocation was achieved by breaking up collective farms. Most farmers, therefore,
had efficiently sized plots. Farmers who owned small plots of land and lacked incentives to invest
in new technology were not common, though they were common in many other developing
countries.
Source: Ravallion and Chen (2004).
the Republic of Korea; Taiwan Province of China; Singapore; Hong Kong
Special Administrative Region, China; Malaysia; Indonesia; and Thailand
have recorded some of the highest GDP growth rates in the world—averaging
approximately 6 per cent per annum from 1965 until 1990—and also some
of the highest rates of export growth, averaging more than 10 per cent per
annum. Thus, quite often, their spectacular economic success has been linked
to exports or outward orientation, notwithstanding the 1997-1998 economic
crises in East Asia.4 However, this success has hardly been based on free trade
or laissez-faire (see box VI.2). For example, the Governments of Japan and the
Republic of Korea have been highly interventionist, pursuing export promotion
on the basis of import substitution (Amsden, 1989; Chang, 2006). The
World Bank (1993) has acknowledged that what is important for growth is not
whether the free market rules or the Government intervenes, but rather getting
the fundamentals for growth right, including government control of financial
markets in order to lower the cost of capital, and policies to promote exports
and protect domestic industry.
4 Brahmbhatt and Dadush (1996) found that, among 93 developing countries studied, the
rapidly growing East Asian exporting countries were integrating fastest into the global
economy, while low-income countries of sub-Saharan Africa and some middle-income
countries in Latin America were integrating less or more slowly.
102 Rethinking Poverty
A later study by the World Bank (2002) of both economic growth and
equality in developing countries from 1977 to 1997 found that the more globalized
countries (as measured by trade relative to GDP) enjoyed faster economic
growth, but did not experience significant changes in income inequality.
However, as Rodrik (2001, p. 1) points out, “the countries that integrated
into the world economy most rapidly were not necessarily those that adopted
the most pro-trade policies”. According to Rodrik, “the Bank is acknowledging
that trade liberalization may not be an effective instrument, not just
for stimulating growth, but even for integration in world markets”. Rodrik
concludes that “rapid integration into global markets is a consequence, not
of trade liberalization or adherence to World Trade Organization strictures
per se, but of successful growth strategies with often highly idiosyncratic
characteristics”.5
Thus, both the 1993 and 2002 studies of the World Bank recognize that
high growth was not necessarily due to trade liberalization or export orientation.
What matters most is the successful growth strategies based on countries’
own historical and socio-economic circumstances. The empirical work claiming
a positive causal relationship between trade liberalization and growth suffers
from serious methodological flaws. After careful evaluation of the major
cross-country empirical work, one study states that “[w]hen we ask whether the
results are informative for the practice of trade policy, we conclude that the
answer is ‘no’ ” (Hallak and Levinsohn, 2004, p. 3).6 A later study (Andersen
and Babula, 2008) which addresses some flaws of earlier ones finds likely positive
links between trade and economic growth, but doubts the ability of developing
countries to achieve productivity growth through trade liberalization.
To do so, it may well be necessary to invest enough in appropriate education
and training facilities. However, by removing an important source of revenue
through tariff reductions—which is not compensated for by other sources of
revenue—trade liberalization further restricts Governments’ fiscal space for
such productivity-enhancing investment (see box VI.3).
Summarizing lessons from a decade of reforms in the 1990s, the World
Bank (2005, p. 134) notes:
The distributive effects of trade liberalization are diverse, and not always
pro-poor. … evidence from the 1990s suggests that even in instances where
trade policy has reduced poverty, there are still distributive issues … Global
markets are the most hostile to the products produced by the world’s
poor—such as agricultural products and textiles and apparel.
5 The admission in question comes when the report describes its sample of “more globalized”
countries: “We label the top third ‘more globalized’ without in any sense implying that
they adopted pro-trade policies. The rise in trade may have been due to other policies or
even to pure chance” (World Bank, 2002, p. 34).
6 For a similar conclusion, see Rodríguez (2007).
Economic liberalization and poverty reduction 103
Box VI.3
Fiscal impact of trade liberalization
Although there are large differences among countries, income from trade taxes represents, on
average, one third of total tax revenues in developing countries. In some very open and small
least developed economies, import-related taxes constitute as much as 65 per cent of total
revenue (see Gupta, 2007). Laird and de Córdoba (2006) show that developing countries obtain
about $156 billion in tariff revenues annually, but this base would fall by 41 per cent under the
ambitious “Swiss formula” proposal of tariff cuts for non-agricultural products. The study also
shows tariff losses of at least $63 billion for developing countries due to non-agricultural market
access (NAMA) alone, against projected welfare gains of less than $16 billion (0.2 per cent of
developing-country national income) from the Doha Round.
With promises of $4 billion against such high fiscal losses due to trade liberalization, Aid
for Trade may not be of much help for developing-country Governments. For some countries,
the fiscal loss from trade liberalization could be as high as 10 per cent of GDP, which is more than
their public expenditure on health, education and other social priorities combined.
Between 1970 and 1998, 84 low- and middle-income countries surveyed experienced
lower fiscal revenue as a result of falling trade-related tariffs (see International Monetary
Fund, 2002). IMF recommends replacing the trade-related revenues with value-added and
sales taxes. However, the proposed substitution raises questions of feasibility and equity. In
terms of feasibility, the capacity of low-income countries to recover income losses is limited.
Implementing indirect taxes (value-added and sales taxes) demands increased administrative
capacity which many countries do not have; and for every dollar lost in tariffs, poor and middleincome
countries have been able to recover, at best, 30 cents from other sources (see Baunsgaard
and Keen, 2005). Thus, while the consumption-based indirect taxes fail to compensate for the
lost tariff revenues, they are also found to be regressive, and disproportionately affect low- and
middle-income households.
The IMF Trade Integration Mechanism (TIM) did not contemplate the loss of fiscal revenues
from the outset. This was only explicitly added in a recent reformulation of the mechanism in the
context of the Aid for Trade discussion. As the Fund facilities are not concessional, this means
that a rate similar, or very close, to the market interest rate must be paid on the borrowed
funds. Hence, the Mechanism basically increases debt in order to compensate for an ostensibly
temporary adjustment of the balance of payments.
Financial liberalization
The arguments for financial liberalization also rest on the supposed link between
financial development and economic growth, and hence poverty reduction.
There are two dimensions of financial liberalization: (a) domestic financial
sector deregulation and (b) opening of the capital account.
The rationale for financial deregulation, including international financial
liberalization, was provided back in the early 1970s by McKinnon (1973) and
Shaw (1973). They claimed that one of the reasons for the poor growth performance
of many developing countries had been administratively determined
very low (in some cases, negative) real interest rates which discouraged savings
and encouraged inefficient use of capital. Thus, financial liberalization—primarily
involving deregulation of interest rates—would lead to higher levels of
savings. Liberalization would also channel funds to finance more productive
projects. Therefore, an increase in real interest rates following liberalization
104 Rethinking Poverty
should encourage saving and expand the supply of credit available to domestic
investors, thereby enabling the economy to grow more quickly. This growthpromoting
effect of domestic financial sector deregulation should be enhanced
by opening the capital account of the balance of payments, which would allow
more foreign capital to flow into the country, attracted by higher domestic real
interest rates.
While increases in real interest rates have often been the outcome of
liberalization episodes, their impact on domestic saving and investment has
been mixed (Reinhart and Ioannis, 2008; Galbis, 1993). McKinnon himself
has acknowledged that financial liberalization may lead to episodes of “over-borrowing”.
This over-borrowing syndrome may be magnified when domestic
liberalization is coupled with capital account liberalization (McKinnon and
Pill, 1999). Additionally, if the rising levels of debt are denominated in a foreign
currency, this will increase a country’s vulnerability to exchange-rate fluctuations.
Banking crises are often preceded by financial liberalization; indeed,
liberalization often leads to crisis (Kaminsky and Reinhart, 1999). A World
Bank study of 53 countries for the period 1980-1995 found that banking crises
were more likely to occur in liberalized financial systems (Demirgüç-Kunt and
Detragiache, 1999; see also box VI.4). One reason why China, India and Viet
Nam remained relatively unaffected by the contagion from the Asian financial
crisis was their tight controls on short-term capital flows.
Box VI.4
Financial crises and poverty
Financial liberalization has increased the frequency and intensity of financial and banking crises,
especially in emerging economies. Liberalization of the capital account increases the inflow of
foreign capital but also threatens the stability of financial institutions by increasing exchangerate
and domestic lending risks.
A conspicuous feature of capital account liberalization in developing countries is so-called
liability dollarization. This occurs when the private sector acquires liabilities in foreign currency,
although assets are denominated in local currency. This makes the balance sheet of the private
sector highly sensitive to shifts in the exchange rate. Significant exchange-rate depreciations
can lead to large and negative wealth effects as liabilities increase in value relative to assets.
Such wealth effects often cannot offset the positive impact on competitiveness engendered by
exchange-rate depreciations.
Developing countries often experience sharp changes in capital flows. The most damaging
in terms of impact on real output, employment and wages are so-called sudden stops, when
there is an unanticipated cessation of capital flows that is not linked to any systematic policy
errors committed by developing-country Governments. These sudden stops reflect failures
and shortcomings in international capital markets. Under normal circumstances, Governments
would seek to mitigate the impact of a capital account crisis on the real economy by engaging
in counter-cyclical policies.
Unfortunately, the presence of liability dollarization—as well as the lack of preparedness—
acts as a binding constraint on policy space. Monetary authorities develop a “fear of floating” and
thus are reluctant to allow the depreciation of the exchange rate and engage in expansionary
policies because of the rather large negative wealth effect stemming from liability dollarization.
Economic liberalization and poverty reduction 105
Cline (2002) has tracked the path of per capita income growth before, during and after the year
of a financial crisis triggered by sudden large outflows of foreign capital for each of eight major
cases. In every case, there was a decline in per capita growth in the crisis year, most dramatically
a decline by 15 per cent in the case of Indonesia. The financial crises between 1994 and 2002
impoverished at least 40 million–60 million people, and possibly almost as many as 100 million,
out of a total of 800 million people in the economies concerned. By far the largest adverse
impact occurred in Indonesia, owing to the country’s large income decline and large share of
population in poverty.
Box VI.5
Financial liberalization and growth
There exists a large body of empirical research on financial liberalization and growth, but
the results have been largely inconclusive. Nevertheless, support for the claim that financial
liberalization inevitably boosts growth is slim. Kose, Prasad and Terrones (2006) have shown
that capital account openness did not increase access to international finance for domestic
investments. The same authors (2003) showed that capital account liberalization increased
consumption volatility relative to output volatility in emerging economies. Prasad, Rajan and
Subramanian (2007) also show no positive link between foreign capital and economic growth;
instead, fast-growing developing countries relied less on foreign capital.
Rodrik and Subramanian (2008) argue that the case for financial globalization and
capital account liberalization is based on the misguided premise that developing countries are
savings-constrained and that the inflow of foreign capital eases this constraint. In their view, the
unavailability of foreign capital is not a binding constraint on growth in these countries. They
are much more likely to be investment-constrained, with low levels of investment resulting from
low expectations of profitability and returns. Consequently, increasing access to foreign capital
flows would have little positive effect on raising growth-promoting investments.
For the vast majority of countries surveyed, their investment rates fell when United
States interest rates were low and external liquidity was plentiful. This should not have
happened with countries that were savings-constrained. Low interest rates should raise
borrowing and, with it, investment. Among the countries surveyed, the only two exceptions
were China and India, which had shielded themselves from financial globalization (see Rodrik
and Subramanian, 2008).
Thus, by the end of the last decade, financial liberalization had become the
single most controversial policy prescription. After the currency crises in East
Asia and the Russian Federation, the focus of the debate shifted from when to
liberalize the capital account to whether to liberalize it at all. Rodrik (1998),
for example, argues that there is no evidence in the data that countries without
capital controls have grown faster, invested more or experienced lower inflation.
Significantly, Aizenman (2005) found no evidence of a “growth bonus”
associated with increasing the foreign financing share. In fact, the evidence
suggests just the opposite: throughout the 1990s, countries and regions with
higher self-financing ratios grew significantly faster than countries and regions
with lower self-financing ratios (see box VI.5). The positive and economically
significant effect of self-financing ratios on real per capita GDP growth has
been confirmed for 1970-2000.
106 Rethinking Poverty
In contrast, capital account openness has seen capital flowing out of developing
countries to the rich countries, especially the United States, funding
its unsustainable consumption boom and asset price bubbles in recent years.
Capital account liberalization has also not resulted in any significant decline
in the cost of finance. Instead, the cost of finance has behaved “perversely”, rising
sharply during economic downturns (forcing real interest rates to rise) and
falling during booms (yielding low real interest rates). Regarding the current
crisis, even the World Bank (2009d, pp. 47-48) recently noted:
Capital restrictions might be unavoidable as a last resort to prevent or mitigate
the crisis effects. A few emerging countries have introduced capital
controls and other measures to better monitor and, in some cases, limit the
conversion of domestic currency into foreign exchange … capital controls
might need to be imposed as a last resort to help mitigate a financial crisis
and stabilize macroeconomic developments.
As a result, macroeconomic policies have become pro-cyclical. For example,
during the current global economic and financial crisis, private capital
flows to developing countries have dropped sharply, and risk premiums for external
financing have surged. Net private capital inflows to developing economies
declined by more than 50 per cent during 2008, dropping from the peak
of more than $1 trillion registered in 2007 to less than $500 billion. Another
significant decline of 50 per cent is expected for 2009. The risk premium on
lending to emerging and developing countries soared, on average, from 250
to about 800 basis points within the space of a few weeks in the third quarter
of 2008.
In light of the disappointing experience, authorities should institute mechanisms
to restrict large and sudden flows of short-term capital or “hot money”
(Epstein, Grabel and Jomo, 2003). By employing diverse capital management
techniques during the 1990s, Chile, Colombia, Taiwan Province of China,
India, China, Singapore and Malaysia were able to achieve critical macroeconomic
objectives. These techniques included the prevention of maturity and
locational mismatches; attraction of desired foreign investments; reduction of
overall financial fragility, currency risk, and speculative pressures; insulation
from the contagion effects of financial crises; and enhancement of the autonomy
of economic and social policy.
Finally, financial sector deregulation led to the privatization of Stateowned
financial institutions and, in most cases, the abandonment of specialized
financial institutions established to subsidize and direct credit to small
and medium-sized enterprises, agriculture and other development priorities.
As a result, in many developing countries, financial deregulation has adversely
affected rural banking. Unprofitable rural branches of commercial banks have
closed, making access to credit more difficult for farmers and other people living
in rural areas (Deraniyagala, 2003; Chowdhury, 2002; see also box VI.6).
Privatization has also reduced the developmental role of Governments, resultEconomic
liberalization and poverty reduction 107
Box VI.6
Financial deregulation, inequality and poverty
Developing countries need to invest in both agriculture and manufacturing in order to diversify
their economies as well as to reduce poverty through employment creation and food price
stabilization. However, despite much higher social returns to agricultural and manufacturing
investment, following financial sector deregulation, banks and financial institutions have
increasingly financed collateralized stock market and real estate investments. Private
commercial banks discriminate against employment-intensive sectors such as agriculture and
small-scale enterprises owing to the higher transaction costs of lending to a larger number of
small borrowers and the lack of collateralizable assets of small farmers and owners of small and
medium-sized enterprises. Ghosh (2008b) maintains that “[t]he agrarian crisis in most parts
of the developing world is at least partly, and often substantially, related to the decline in
the access of peasant farmers to institutional finance, which is the direct result of financial
liberalization”.
The situation has been made worse by the closing of Government-run specialized
financial institutions for agriculture and small and medium-sized enterprises as part of
financial deregulation. Furthermore, previously Government-owned privatized banks have
closed rural branches deemed not to be profitable, as there is no longer any requirement to
ensure rural banking services. These measures have reduced credit availability for farmers and
small producers, and have contributed to the rising costs of needed working capital, thereby
exacerbating rural distress. In rural India, for example, there is strong evidence that the deep
crisis in farming communities—resulting in farmer suicides, mass migration and even deaths
from hunger—has been related to the decline of institutional credit, forcing farmers to turn to
usurious private moneylenders. A study by the Inter-American Development Bank (2007) of 17
Latin American countries for the period 1977-2000 found that financial liberalization has had a
significant effect on increasing inequality and poverty.
In sum, financial deregulation has undermined important social functions of finance
by making it less inclusive. It has also destroyed an important industrial policy instrument
historically utilized by most successful late industrializers. Most late industrializing countries, at
least since the twentieth century, have created well-regulated financial markets and often Statecontrolled
financial institutions designed to mobilize savings to support priority investments.
They used directed credit policies and differential interest rates to support nascent industries
with the potential to expand into export markets. They also created development banks with
the mandate to provide long-term credit on attractive terms. These financial sector policies
contributed significantly to rapid economic transformation and poverty declines in those
countries.
ing in the poor performance of small and medium-sized enterprises and agriculture
as well as deindustrialization, with adverse impacts for employment
and poverty reduction.
Privatization
The privatization of State-owned enterprises, including utilities, is another central
component of adjustment policies for developing countries. Privatization is
often a crucial requirement for securing aid funding, and is a key policy of the
Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), with the World Bank continuing
to link privatization to poverty reduction.
108 Rethinking Poverty
How can privatization reduce poverty?
The rationale for privatization is rooted in public choice theory which predicts
that privatization will spur development of the private sector. Privatization is
supposed to improve the efficiency of enterprises by focusing on financial performance.
Through better resource allocation and improved efficiency (due to
the absence of rent-seeking), privatization is expected to spur economic growth
and hence reduce poverty. Proponents of privatization also project fiscal benefits,
occurring from the one-time revenue gains for the government that “sells”
presumably failing State-owned enterprises and is relieved of the burden of
financing investment (Campbell-White and Bhatia, 1998). This phenomenon
is expected to allow Governments to spend more on services for the poor.
But how does privatization actually help develop the private sector? This
remains unclear. It could increase private investment in a sector, but whether
this leads to output and welfare benefits will depend on competition, among
other factors. It could signal government support for the private sector. However,
for many developing countries (for example, countries in sub-Saharan Africa),
lack of investor interest has been a common feature of privatization, with
Governments offering increasing concessions to entice investors to acquire
their assets—often to meet the requirements of donors and creditors (Bayliss,
2003). Privatization can also create an environment where the private sector
attempts to stifle competition and flout regulations in order to enhance profits.
In the absence of effective regulation, where Governments have recourse
to valid sanctions against private firms, the State will be powerless to prevent
market abuses. In such a situation, it is not privatization that will develop the
private sector, but rather effective Government regulation.
Private firms will invest only when and where they expect to make a
profitable return. Therefore, they will want to invest only in profitable activities
and will not buy losing enterprises. Thus, the Government will not only
be left with losing enterprises, but also lose a regular source of revenue from
enterprises sold to the private sector. For example, in their study of privatization
in Africa, Campbell-White and Bhatia (1998) found that the enterprises
sold had not been financially draining government resources. In the case of
profit-making units, the fiscal effect of privatization is almost invariably negative.
If the Government sells an asset that provides an income flow (profits,
etc.) equal to or greater than that based on the prevailing interest rate on
Government securities, then the Government would lose a future income
stream by selling it.
Additionally, if revenue from privatized enterprises becomes uncertain,
firms may back out of investment projects. In Zimbabwe in 1999, the United
Kingdom firm Biwater withdrew from a proposed private water project because
the project’s intended beneficiaries (consumers) were too poor to pay
a tariff to ensure the profit margin that Biwater was seeking (Bayliss, 2002).
They may also seek guarantees from Governments to ensure revenue flows
Economic liberalization and poverty reduction 109
rather than take the risks. In infrastructure, private companies will ensure that
their investments are recouped with profit. In power generation projects, private
investors often will not invest without a power purchase agreement (PPA)
in place under which the publicly owned utilities agree to purchase the output
of the plant at a fixed price often cited in foreign exchange for a period of 20-30
years. Such agreements can be crippling for Governments. In the case of the
Enron-owned Dabhol power project in India, the terms of the power purchase
agreement became so onerous for the government of Maharashtra State—owing
to currency devaluation and the high cost of fuel—that it defaulted on
payments (Bayliss and Hall, 2000).
There is also no clear evidence that the private sector performs better than
the public sector. While private ownership may bring better management skills
and incentives, this is by no means inevitable.
There are numerous examples of utility privatization failures. For example,
in Puerto Rico, four years after a subsidiary of the French multinational
Vivendi took over management of the water authority, its financial situation
deteriorated to such a degree that the State had to provide subsidies (Bayliss,
2002). Private investment in infrastructure, for example, in a water supply
programme in a developing country, is not normally a very attractive proposition
because it involves a large upfront investment and a long-term pay-off. For
this reason, privatization projects are often designed in such a way as to enable
private firms acquiring interests in service delivery to make quick profits,
leaving the longer-term, more expensive investments to the Government. For
example, in Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire, private operators were given responsibility
for billing consumers for water, while the Governments committed to
invest in infrastructure. The fact that the private firm made a profit while the
State-owned enterprise continued to accumulate losses was due not so much
to the difference in ownership as to the type of business each party engaged in.
Further, given the private firm’s interest in increasing revenue, the focus was
on installing water meters, increasing billing and bill collection, rather than on
improving access to water (Brook Cowen, 1996). This can impact negatively
on the poor, who have limited access to basic infrastructure.
Private firms are also sometimes guaranteed rates of return which allow
for price or user charge increases. In the Plurinational State of Bolivia, the
privatized water company raised prices sharply in the late 1990s to enable it
to earn such rates of return, provoking widespread popular protests (Lobina,
2000). Case studies of African countries have also shown that water prices
rose substantially after privatization—to the point where water became inaccessible
to the poor (Magdahl and others, 2006). In addition, developingcountry
Governments often have weak regulatory capacity to monitor price
increases by privatized firms. Whether privatization-related price hikes increase
poverty will depend on the extent to which the poor are consumers
in these sectors, the extent of the price increases and their ability to cope.
Extensive privatization in Mongolia since the early 1990s has led to sharp
110 Rethinking Poverty
price hikes in essential utilities, with negative effects on the real incomes of
the poor (box VI.7; see also Nixson and Walters, 2006).
One common immediate effect of most privatizations is reduced employment.
This occurs not only because there tends to be substantial overstaffing
in public enterprises, but also because the new owners typically prefer to begin
with fewer employees than they need in order to allow for greater flexibility.
In addition, there are the linkage and multiplier effects of privatization-related
changes. Employment conditions can be adversely affected in upstream and
downstream activities, as well as in the local community through the indirectdemand
effects of workers’ incomes. A study by Van der Hoeven and Sziráczki
(1998) showed that utility privatization in developing countries has significant
employment-reducing effects, sometimes impacting up to 50 per cent of the
workforce.
A study by Macarov (2003) on the effects on the poor of cutbacks in government
spending in areas such as medical services, education and social welfare
found that they often resulted in the formation of a system with two tiers,
one for the rich and the other for the poor. After reviewing the distributional
impact of privatization activities involving utilities in a wide range of developing
economies, principally in Africa and Latin America, Bayliss (2002) con-
Box VI.7
Privatization in Mongolia
Privatization has been a major part of Mongolia’s transition to capitalism. Its move to a market
economy has been accompanied by increases in poverty and income inequality. More than 10
years after it began its transition, Mongolia remains one of the poorest countries in the world.
Privatization continues to be a central part of economic reform in Mongolia, as in other
transition economies. The goal has been to increase private sector participation in the economy,
to which successive Governments have remained committed. Previously, Mongolia’s economy
had been narrowly based on the export of copper, cashmere wool and gold, as well as on a large
amount of donor aid from the former Soviet Union. In 1991, after the collapse of the Soviet
Union and the demise of its trading arrangements, privatization in Mongolia exemplified a
”shock therapy” approach to transition. The overall effect was a significant decline in standards
of living, with dramatic rises, in the early period of transition, in levels of poverty and inequality,
which have remained at very high levels.
The Government, which owned 75 per cent of all property, adopted a voucher system
of privatization. In the first phase, each person was issued three red vouchers which could be
used to buy shares in small State and cooperative businesses. Shortly afterwards, each person
was issued one blue voucher, with which he or she could bid for ownership of the larger State
enterprises. Mongolia’s Stock Exchange was also established to allow trading in shares.
Privatization was undertaken without any analysis or consideration of the impact on
poverty and income distribution. In an evaluation of this experience, Nixson and Walters
(2006) found that privatization had affected poverty adversely in Mongolia by 2000. They also
concluded that, among other consequences, the Government had ignored the role of agencies
that provided poor people with collective goods and services; reduced available livelihood
options, making poorer families more vulnerable to economic shocks; and allowed utility prices
and service charges to be increased after privatization.
Economic liberalization and poverty reduction 111
cluded that privatization had demonstrably harmed the poor, either through
loss of employment and income, or through exclusion from, or reduced access
to, basic services, as the result of private firms’ principal concern with profits,
prices and costs. At the same time, weak governance and regulatory capacity
in many developing countries led to poor control of market abuses by private
utility companies.
The way forward
The empirical evidence derived from the outcomes of economic liberalization
indicates that excessive reliance on markets and the private sector carries high
risks. The World Bank (2005, p. 133) has noted:
There are many possible ways to open an economy. The challenge for
policymakers
is to identify which best suits their country’s political economy,
institutional constraints, and initial conditions. As these vary from
country to country, it is not surprising that there is a striking heterogeneity
in country experiences regarding the timing and pace of reforms.
A much more nuanced approach, based on lessons from history, is needed.
Clearly, economic growth and structural change are necessary for sustained
poverty reduction. Wholesale trade liberalization, however, is not the best
strategy for this. To enhance the poverty-reducing effects of growth and structural
change, the economic transformation process must challenge inequality
and the exclusion of poor and disadvantaged groups. For sustained reductions
in poverty, the focus should also extend to productivity growth and employment
creation. Developing countries should therefore consider, selectively, the
formulation of trade and industry policies to augment the development of new
potentially viable production capacities and capabilities.
Not only should financial policy in developing countries be concerned
with ensuring financial stability, but it must also be counter-cyclical, developmental
and inclusive. In many developing countries, this will require explicitly
addressing the needs of food agriculture through rural banking and
other inclusive finance initiatives. Governments should consider reintroducing
specialized development banks, especially to promote employment-intensive
small and medium-sized enterprises and agriculture. This may involve directed
and subsidized credit as well as other proactive financial policy initiatives. Undoubtedly,
directed credit programmes create “distortions” in the financial
market and may be vulnerable to rent-seeking. However, the possible cost of
such distortions must be weighed against the “cost” of financial market imperfections
that discriminate against small borrowers.7
7 Beginning in 1984, Ecuador had eliminated or scaled down directed credit programmes
and removed administrative controls on interest rates as part of financial sector liberalization
programmes. Since then, the supply of credit has declined drastically, with the contraction
of Government-provided loanable funds, and reached a figure as low as 9 per cent
112 Rethinking Poverty
Private commercial banks can be compelled to comply with requirements
to serve rural and other disadvantaged regions, agriculture and small and
medium-
sized enterprises as well as disadvantaged social groups. Governments
can consider a range of policy options and instruments needed to achieve such
objectives. For example, in India, all banks (public and private) are required
to lend at least 40 per cent of net credit to “priority sectors”. If banks fail to
meet this requirement, they are instead obligated to lend money to specified
Government agencies at very low interest rates.8
Alternatively, the central banks can combine India’s type of penalties for
failure with incentives, such as asset-based reserve requirements, support for
pooling and underwriting small loans, and support of employment-generating
investments through use of the discount window. Asset-based reserve requirements
can be an effective tool for creating incentives for banks to invest in socially
productive assets (see Pollin, 1998; Epstein, 2002). Also, based on known employment
elasticities, the central banks could list a set of employment-
generating
investments; lower reserve requirements would then apply for loans for such
investments than for speculation or for buying stocks and shares.
Central banks can also take steps to create liquidity and risk-sharing
institutions for loans to small businesses that show promise for generating
employment but that do not have adequate access to the credit market. For
example, central banks can provide financial and administrative support for
asset-backed securities, through which loans would be made to small businesses
and other employment-intensive activities, bundle these investments,
and then sell them as securities on the open market. Finally, central banks
can open a special discount window facility to offer credit, guarantee or discount
facilities to institutions that on-lend to firms and cooperatives engaged
in employment-intensive activities.
After the uncritical and often blind embrace of privatization during the
1980s and 1990s, a more cautious, if not critical, approach has emerged in
recent years for at least two reasons (Bayliss and Fine, 2007). First, the revenue
flows from State-owned enterprises are essential for maintaining and enhancof
GDP in 1990. The firm-level debt structure data show that, together with the decline
in total credit, the share of long-term loans as a share of total debt fell from 12 per cent in
the early 1980s to 8 per cent in 1992. The growth rate of real long-term credit was negative
for most years. The firm-level data also show that the percentage of directed credit was
much higher for longer-term maturities prior to liberalization reforms. This proportion of
directed long-term credit relative to total long-term credit declined from 59.3 per cent in
1985 to 35.9 per cent in 1990. The proportion of directed short-term credit relative to total
short-term credit declined from 31.1 per cent in 1985 to 3.3 per cent in 1992. The decline
in the access to long-term credit negatively affected firms’ performance, especially in terms
of productivity. In particular, the lack of access to long-term credit adversely affected firms’
ability to acquire improved technology (see Schiantarelli and Jaramillo (1996)).
8 Studies by Banerjee and Duflo (2004) found that most banks complied with the regulation
and the programme contributed significantly to the expansion of agriculture and
small-scale industries.
Economic liberalization and poverty reduction 113
ing Governments’ fiscal space. Second, State-owned enterprises can be important
instruments for poverty reduction efforts.
The performance of State-owned enterprises should not be evaluated solely
based on bookkeeping “bottom lines”, as they often have other objectives,
such as employment creation or social protection. Employment in State-owned
enterprises may represent a better way of providing social security than social
security payments themselves from the point of view of self-esteem, learning
by doing and reciprocal obligations. Privatization must not ignore employment
conditions and likely job losses, as they affect poverty, especially of the working
poor. There should be adequate protection of employment conditions as well
as active labour-market programmes in place. Similarly, provision of utilities
must remain inclusive regardless of ownership. Public utilities, if privatized,
must stipulate mandatory adequate service provisions to disadvantaged groups
and areas

 

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IRANIAN JOURNAL OF PHARMACEUTICAL RESEARCH Quarterly ISSN: 1735-0328 SHAHEED BEHESHTI UNIV, SCH PHARMACY, NO 10 SHAMS ALLEY, VALI-E ASR ST, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 2.      BIOSIS Previews   37. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF PLANT PATHOLOGY Quarterly ISSN: 0006-2774 IRANIAN PHYTOPATHOLOGICAL SOC, PLANT PESTS & DISEASES RESEARCH INST P O BOX 1454, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      BIOSIS Previews   38. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH Quarterly ISSN: 0304-4556 IRANIAN SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY MEDICAL ENTOMOLOGY, SCHOOL PUBLIC HEALTH & INST HEALTH RESEARCH, TEHRAN UNIV MEDICAL SCIENCES,P O BOX 6446-14155, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 2.   Social Sciences Citation Index 39. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF RADIATION RESEARCH Quarterly ISSN: 1728-4554 IJRR-IRANIAN JOURNAL RADIATION RES, NO 29, 4TH FL, CHAMRAN MEDICAL BLDG, PARVANEH ST, ALE-AHMAD HWY, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded   40. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF RADIOLOGY  Quarterly ISSN: 1735-1065 IRANIAN SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY MEDICAL ENTOMOLOGY, SCHOOL PUBLIC HEALTH & INST HEALTH RESEARCH, TEHRAN UNIV MEDICAL SCIENCES,P O BOX 6446-14155, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded   41. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF REPRODUCTIVE MEDICINE Quarterly ISSN: 1680-6433 SHAHID SADOUGHI UNIV MEDICAL SCIENCES YAZD, RESEARCH & CLINICAL CENTER FOR INFERTILITY, PO BOX 89195-999, YAZD, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded   42. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY TRANSACTION A-SCIENCE Irregular ISSN: 1028-6276 SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ, IRAN, 71454 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 2.      Zoological Record 3.      BIOSIS Previews 43. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY-TRANSACTIONS OF CIVIL ENGINEERING Semiannual ISSN: 2228-6160 SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ, IRAN, 71344 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 44. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY-TRANSACTIONS OF ELECTRICAL ENGINEERING Semiannual ISSN: 2228-6179 SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ, IRAN, 71344 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 45. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY-TRANSACTIONS OF MECHANICAL ENGINEERING Semiannual ISSN: 2228-6187 SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ, IRAN, 71344 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 46. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF VETERINARY RESEARCH Quarterly ISSN: 1728-1997 SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ UNIV, SHIRAZ, IRAN, 71454 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 2.      Zoological Record   47. IRANIAN JOURNAL OF VETERINARY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Semiannual ISSN: 2008-465X FERDOWSI UNIV MASHHAD, FAC VET MED, PO BOX 9177948974-1793, MASHHAD, IRAN 48. IRANIAN POLYMER JOURNAL Monthly ISSN: 1026-1265 POLYMER RESEARCH CENTER IRAN, PO BOX 14185-515, TEHRAN, IRAN 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded   49. IRANIAN RED CRESCENT MEDICAL JOURNAL Quarterly ISSN: 1561-4395 IRANIAN RES CRESCENT SOC, PO BOX 2330, DUBAI, U ARAB EMIRATES, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded   50. JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Quarterly ISSN: 1680-7073 TARBIAT MODARES UNIV, FAC AGRICULTURE, PO BOX 14115-336, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 51. JOURNAL OF ENTOMOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF IRAN Semiannual ISSN: 0259-9996 ENTOMOLOGICAL SOC IRAN, P O BOX 339, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Zoological Record 2.      BIOSIS Previews 52. JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN MEDICAL SCIENCES Bimonthly ISSN: 1735-1995 ISFAHAN UNIV MED SCIENCES, HEZARJERIB AVE, PO BOX 81745-319, ISFAHAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 53. JOURNAL OF SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF TEHRAN Annual ISSN: 1016-1058 UNIV TEHRAN, ENGHELAB AVE, PO BOX 13145-478, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Zoological Record 54. JOURNAL OF SCIENCES-ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN Quarterly ISSN: 1016-1104 UNIV TEHRAN, ENGHELAB AVE, PO BOX 13145-478, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Zoological Record 2.      BIOSIS Previews 55. JOURNAL OF THE IRANIAN CHEMICAL SOCIETY Quarterly ISSN: 1735-207X IRANIAN CHEMICAL SOC, NO 7, MARAGHEH ST, OSTAD NEJATOLLAHI AVE, PO BOX 15875-1169, TEHRAN, IRAN,00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 56. JUNDISHAPUR JOURNAL OF MICROBIOLOGY Quarterly ISSN: 2008-3645 AHVAZ JUNDISHAPUR UNIV MED SCI, PO BOX 6357-33118, AHVAZ, IRAN 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 2.      BIOSIS Previews 57. PERSIAN JOURNAL OF ACAROLOGY Semiannual ISSN: 2251-8169 ACAROLOGICAL SOCIETY IRAN, UNIV TEHRAN, COLL AGRICULTURE, DEPT PLANT PROTECTION, PO BOX 4111, KARAJ, IRAN, 31587-77871 1.      Zoological Record 58. PODOCES Semiannual ISSN: 1735-6725 WESCA WILDLIFE NETWORK & BIRD CONSERVATION SOC IRAN, C/O ABOLGHASEM KHALEGHIZADH, PO BOX 1336, KARAJ, IRAN, 31585 1.      Zoological Record 59. PROGRESS IN BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES Semiannual ISSN: 2228-7833 UNIV TEHRAN, COLL SCI, PO BOX 14155-6455, TEHRAN, IRAN, 1417-614411 1.      Zoological Record 60. ROSTANIHA Semiannual ISSN: 1608-4306 PLANT PESTS & DISEASES RESEARCH INST, CHAMRAN PARK WAY, TABNAK AVE. NO: 1-2, P. O. BOX 1454, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      BIOSIS Previews 61. SCIENTIA IRANICA Bimonthly ISSN: 1026-3098 ELSEVIER SCIENCE BV, PO BOX 211, AMSTERDAM, NETHERLANDS, 1000 AE 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 62. ULUM-I ZAMIN Quarterly ISSN: 1023-7429 GEOLOGICAL SURVEY IRAN, AZADI SQ MERAJ ST, PO BOX 13185-1494, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Zoological Record 63. UROLOGY JOURNAL Quarterly ISSN: 1735-1308 UROL & NEPHROL RES CTR-UNRC, NO 44, 9TH BOUSTAN ST, PASADARAN AVE, TEHRAN, IRAN, 00000 1.      Science Citation Index Expanded 64. VETERINARY RESEARCH FORUM Quarterly ISSN: 2008-8140 URMIA UNIV, FAC VET MED, URMIA, IRAN, 57153-1177 65. WILDLIFE MIDDLE EAST NEWS Tri-annual ISSN: 1990-8237 WILDLIFE MIDDLE EAST, C/O DECLAN O DONOVAN, WADI AL SAFA WILDLIFE CENTRE, PO BOX 1143, KARAJ, IRAN, 31585 1.      Zoological Record 66. WORLD APPLIED SCIENCES JOURNAL Bimonthly ISSN: 1818-4952 INT DIGITAL ORGANIZATION SCIENTIFIC INFORMATION-IDOSI, C/O PROF GHASEM NAJAFPOUR, HD BIOTECHNOL RES CTR, FAC CHEM ENGNG, UNIV TECH BABOL, BABOL, IRAN, NOSHIRVANI, 47144 1.      Zoological Record   67. YAKHTEH  
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A Guided Tour of Datacenter Networking جمعه بیست و یکم مهر 1391 16:0

Abstract: The magic of the cloud is that it is always on and always available from anywhere. Users have come to expect that services are there when they need them. A data center (or warehouse-scale computer) is the nexus from which all the services flow. It is often housed in a nondescript warehouse-sized building bearing no indication of what lies inside. Amidst the whirring fans and refrigerator-sized computer racks is a tapestry of electrical cables and fiber optics weaving everything together—the data-center network. This article provides a “guided tour” through the principles and central ideas surrounding the network at the heart of a data center—the modern-day loom that weaves the digital fabric of the Internet.

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Algorithmic Thermodynamics جمعه بیست و یکم مهر 1391 15:57
Abstract: Algorithmic entropy can be seen as a special case of entropy as studied in statistical mechanics. This viewpoint allows us to apply many techniques developed for use in thermodynamics to the subject of algorithmic information theory. In particular, suppose we fix a universal prefix-free Turing machine and let X be the set of programs that halt for this machine. Then we can regard X as a set of 'microstates', and treat any function on X as an 'observable'. For any collection of observables, we can study the Gibbs ensemble that maximizes entropy subject to constraints on expected values of these observables. We illustrate this by taking the log runtime, length, and output of a program as observables analogous to the energy E, volume V and number of molecules N in a container of gas. The conjugate variables of these observables allow us to define quantities which we call the 'algorithmic temperature' T, 'algorithmic pressure' P and algorithmic potential' mu, since they are analogous to the temperature, pressure and chemical potential. We derive an analogue of the fundamental thermodynamic relation dE = T dS - P d V + mu dN, and use it to study thermodynamic cycles analogous to those for heat engines. We also investigate the values of T, P and mu for which the partition function converges. At some points on the boundary of this domain of convergence, the partition function becomes uncomputable. Indeed, at these points the partition function itself has nontrivial algorithmic entropy
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مقالات فارسی سایت ISI شنبه پنجم آذر 1390 16:9
برای مشاهد ه ی مقالات فارسی سایت ISI اینجا کلیک کنید.

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ali nasirian is standing near his statue

The wax statue of veteran Iranian actor Ali Nasirian has been unveiled during a ceremony at the Eternal Figures Museum in Tehran’s Sa’ad Abad Historical and Cultural Complex.

The head of the Visual Arts Office affiliated to the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, Muhammad Shaloui and the general director of Monitoring and Evaluation Department, Alireza Sajjadpour attended the ceremony held on May 29, 2011.

Renowned artist Mahmoud Farshchian alongside a number of leading Iranian actors such as Davoud Rashidi, Muhammad Ali Keshavarz and Jaleh Olov also took part in the event.

“The first theater festival in Iran was held by Ali Nasirian and it is my honor that I was under his training in theater,” said the prominent actor, Mohammad Ali Keshavarz.

The 77-year-old actor, Nasirian, said that his “interest and deep fondness led me to the arena of drama in which I have always expressed my true feeling and emotions.”

The life-size statue was designed and made by sculptor Hamid Lankarani.

Nasirian first appeared in a supporting role in Dariush Mehrjui’s The Cow (1969), which was also the first film in which actor Ezatollah Entezami appeared.

Mr. Simpleton (1970), The Postman (1971), The Cycle (1974), Kamalolmolk (1983), Mirza Norouz’s Shoes (1985), The Stone Lion (1986), Captain Khorshid (1987), and The Scent of Joseph’s Shirt (1995) are among his better-known films.

Source: presstv.ir


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ISI چيست؟

موسسه اطلاعات علمي (
Institute for Scientific Information ) بانك اطلاعاتISI مركزي براي فهرست نمودن و پوشش دادن جامع مهمترين مجلات علمي منتشره در دنيا به منظور تبادل اطلاعات ميان پژوهشگران مختلف مي باشد. شمار مجلات ISI ثابت نيست. يك مجله ممكن است در يك زمان? از مجلات ISI محسوب شود? اما به دليل كاهش بار علمي? بعدا از ليست مجلات ISI كنار گذاشته شود. در حال حاضر بيش از ????? مجله? در ليست ISI قرار دارند. هر ساله ???? مجله جديد مورد ارزيابي قرار مي گيرد و حدود ده درصد آنها به ليست ISI اضافه مي شوند.
هر مجله علمي قبل از انتخاب شدن و فهرست شدن در
ISIيكسري مراحل ارزيابي را پشت سر مي گذارد. ازجمله عوامل مورد ارزيابي و رعايت استانداردهاي بانك اطلاعاتي ISI ، كميته علمي منتخب مجله، تنوع بين المللي مقالات چاپ شده در آن، نشر به موقع مجله و جايگاه نشرآن مي باشد. لازم به ذكر است كه هيچ يك از اين عوامل به تنهايي مورد بررسي و ارزيابي قرار نمي گيرد بلكه با بررسي مجموع عوامل يك امتياز كلي داده خواهد شد. از جمله مواردي كه در ارزيابي مجله مورد توجه قرار دارد اين است كه عنوان مقالات، چكيده و كلمات كليدي بايد به زبان انگليسي باشد همچنين توصيه مي شود كه منابع نيز به زبان انگليسي نوشته شوند. اگر چه اطلاعات علمي مهم به تمامي زبانها به چاپ مي رسد اما موارد ذكر شده بايد به زبان انگليسي باشد تا تحت داوري و ارزيابي ISI قرار گيرد زيرا ارزيابي كنندگان مجلات علمي در ISIنمي توانند عناوين و منابع بكاررفته در مقالات را به زبان انگليسي ترجمه كنند. داوري علمي و تخصصي مقالات چاپ شده در مجله توسط داوران نام آشناي علمي از جمله عمده ترين موارد مورد توجه ارزيابي كنندگان مي باشد كه گوياي اعتبار و غناي علمي مجله است.

ارجاع به خود يا
self citation چيست؟
اگر منابع ذكر شده در مقاله? پژوهش نويسندگان خود مقاله باشد? اين كار از ارزش مقاله مي كاهد زيرا جنبه بين المللي بودن آن را ضعيف مي كند. درجه ارجاع به خود مجلات
ISI معمولا كمتر از ??? است.

ضريب تاثير يا درجه تاثير يا
Impact factor چيست؟
اين عامل همه ساله توسط
ISI برمبناي ارجاعات به هر يك از مجلات علمي آن محاسبه مي شود و نتيجه در گزارشات ارجاع مجله يا Journal Citation Reports يا به اختصار JCR ? منتشر مي شود. اين ضريب? نه براي مقاله يا نويسنده? بلكه براي مجله محاسبه مي شود. محاسبه برمبناي يك دوره سه ساله صورت مي گيرد. فرضا اگر در سال ?? جمعا ?? ارجاع به يك مجله صورت گرفته باشد و در آن مجله در سال ?? تعداد ?? مقاله و در سال ?? تعداد ?? مقاله چاپ شده باشد? ضريب ارجاع آن مجله? از تقسيم ?? بر ?? به دست مي آيد كه ?/? است. يعني به طور متوسط? هر مقاله آن نشريه ?/? مرتبه مورد استناد مقالات ديگر قرار گرفته است.

ISI بودن يك مجله را چگونه تعيين كنيم؟
بهترين راه? مراجعه به سايت هايي نظير تامسون است. زيرا همچنان كه گفته شد? هم تعداد مجلات زياد است و هم
ISI محسوب شدن يك مجله ممكن است هميشگي نباشد.هر نشريه با هر امتياز علمي در كشور چاپ شود اگر ضريب تأثيرش صفر باشد، در اين پايگاه قرار نمي گيرد. متأسفانه، در حال حاضر تمامي نشريات ايراني داراي ضريب تأثير صفر بوده و جايي در اين پايگاه ندارند.

ISC چيست؟
ISC يا همان پايگاه استنادي علوم جديد و تكنولوژي كه همانند ISI داراي مقالات دانشمندان است كه خوشبختانه در ايران نيز چنين پايگاهي تاسيس شده است وهم اكنون به فعاليت مي پردازد.

معيار اصلي ورود مجلات به نمايه هاي سه گانه
ISI چيست؟
بر اساس قانون تجمع گارفيلد متون هسته براي تمامي رشته هاي علمي بيش از 1000 مجله نيست. همچنين مطالعه اي از سوي گارفيلد بر روي پايگاه اطلاعاتي اِس.سي.آي (
Science Citation Index) نشان داده است كه 75% ارجاعات در كمتر از 1000 عنوان مجله شناسايي شدند.
حال اگر لازم نباشد كه يك نمايه استنادي چند رشته اي جامع بيشتر از چندهزار مجله را پوشش دهد، اين مجلات را چگونه بايد برگزيد؟

هر چند برخي شائبه تاثير پذيري اين امر از سياست و ... را مطرح مي كنند ولي نظر
ISI Thomson چيز ديگري است. يعني هزينه- كارآيي. گارفيلد خود مي گويد: چون مساله پوشش، وجهي عملا اقتصادي دارد، معيار براي آنچه انتخاب مي شود، هزينه-كارايي است. هدف هزينه – كارآمدي يك نمايه به حداقل رسانيدن هزينه در ازاي شناسايي يك مدرك مفيد و به حداكثر رسانيدن احتمال دستيابي به يك مدرك مفيد منتشره است. يك نمايه هزينه- كارآمد بايد پوشش دهي خود را تا حد امكان محدود به آن مداركي نمايد كه ممكن است افراد مفيدشان بدانند. به زبان ساده ISI Thomson مجلاتي را نمايه مي كند كه احتمال استناد به آنها بيشتر باشد.ولي چه شاخصي مي تواند صلاحيت ورود ديگر مجلات به جمع مجلات منبع ISI Thomson را تاييد كند. جواب بسيار ساده است: فراواني استناد به مجلات در منابعي كه پيشتر در اين نمايه وارد شده اند.اگر دانشگاهها مي خواهند مجلات خود را در نمايه هاي سه گانه ISI Thomson وارد كنند، علاوه بر رعايت ضوابط عمومي مانند وضعيت نشر، كيفيت مقالات، تركيب سردبيري و تحريريه و ... بايد در جستجوي راهكارهايي باشند كه به مجلات آنها از سوي مجلات منبع ISI Thomson، استناد شود. شايد يكي از راهها تشويق محققان دانشگاه در استناد به مدارك مجلات داخلي، در مقالات ارسالي به مجلات تحت پوشش نمايه هاي سه گانه ISI Thomson باشد.

پيوستن پايگاه استنادي علوم ايران به
ISI :
رئيس كتابخانه منطقه اي علوم و تكنولوژي گفت: پيوستن
ISC به ISI با هدف افزايش سهم توليدات علمي ايران در جهان در نشستي با حضور مسئولين ISI در كتابخانه منطقه اي بررسي شد.با توجه به اينكه تمامي خصيصه هاي ISI در ISC نيز وجود دارد، كتابخانه منطقه اي علوم و تكنولوژي شيراز كه متولي ايجاد ISC ( پايگاه استنادي علوم و تكنولوژي ) در كشور است، براي درج شدن مجلات بيشتري به زبان فارسي در ISI و ايجاد ارتباط بيشترISC با ISI تلاش مي كند .
با برقراري پيوند علمي ميان
ISI و ISC شناسايي علم به زبان فارسي در سطح بين المللي بيشترمي شود و سهم ايران از توليدات علمي دنيا بيشتر خواهد شد . هم اكنون بيش از 6 هزار مقاله توسط مجلات معتبر در ISC توليد مي شود اما انعكاس اين توليدات علمي در سطح بين المللي كم است كه با درج تعدادي از مجلات در ISI بازتاب علمي ايران در جهان بيشتر مي شود .

وي با بيان اينكه هم اكنون 25 مجله ايراني توسط
ISI شناسايي شده و نمايه مي شود، افزود: در حال حاضر تلاش مي شود اين تعداد به 500 مجله افزايش يابد . مسئول راه اندازي ISC در ايران با بيان اينكه ايران چهارمين كشور داراي مطالعات استنادي علوم بر پايه ISI است، گفت: كشورهاي ژاپن و چين نيز توانسته اند مجلات خود را به همين روش در ISI درج كنند .

گفتني است كتابخانه منطقه اي علوم و تكنولوژي شيراز چندي پيش مأمور راه اندازي پايگاه استنادي علوم ايران و جهان اسلام شد و اين مركز هم كانون در تلاش براي سنجش توليدات علمي در كشورهاي اسلامي، رتبه بندي نشريات كشورهاي اسلامي، توليد نمايه استنادي علوم كشورهاي اسلامي به منظور توسعه
ISC در ميان تمامي كشورهاي اسلامي و پيوند دادن ISC به IS I است .

درد سرهاي علم وارداتي

دكتر محمد قدسي استاد دانشكده مهندسي كامپيوتر دانشگاه صنعتي شريف است. وي كه در سال ???? از دانشياري به مرتبه استادي ارتقا يافت هم اكنون رئيس گروه نرم افزار اين دانشكده است. در ميان مباحثاتي كه اين روز ها درباره خوب و بد قوانين ارتقاي استادان درگرفته است به سراغ ايشان رفتيم. دكتر قدسي نظرات قابل توجهي در اين باره دارند كه در ادامه تقديم مي كنيم.

جناب آقاي دكتر قدسي، با تشكر از اين كه وقت خود را در اختيار ما گذاشتيد. در نخستين پرسش خود مي خواهيم اصل مطلب را از شما جويا شويم.
ISI چيست؟ خوب است يا خوب نيست؟
ISI مؤسسه اي خصوصي است كه نشريات و مقالات را فهرست مي كند. اين تنها مؤسسه در جهان نيست كه به فهرست كردن مقالات مشغول است. گروه هاي ديگري هم هستند اما ISI معتبرتر از بقيه است. اين گروه ها مقالات را فهرست كرده و آمارهايي مانند تعداد ارجاعات، ضريب تأثير مقالات و ديگر آمارهاي مربوط به آن را در اختيار اعضا و مشتركان مركز خود گذاشته و درآمد كسب مي كنند.

در مراكز علمي ايران
ISI خيلي مشهور است اما در ديگر دانشگاه هاي معتبر دنياISI چندان معروف نيست. زيرا ارتقاي علمي در آن دانشگاه ها اساساً ربطي بهISI ندارد. در دانشگاه هاي خوب دنيا روش ارتقاي استادان تقريباً مشابه حوزه هاي علميه است. در اين دانشگاه ها، مقالات، نوشته ها، تحقيقات و كارهاي علمي فرد را براي چند استاد درجه يك در آن رشته بخصوص مي فرستند و در صورت تأييد آنها فرد ارتقاي علمي پيدا مي كند. ما متأسفانه اعتماد به نفس كافي نداريم و داوري درباره خود را به مدد معيار ها و ارزيابي هاي خارجي انجام مي دهيم.
اما مجلات
ISI، مجلات خوبي هستند. چرا نبايد به ارزيابي آنها اتكا كنيم؟

ISI مجلات بسيار خوبي را فهرست كرده اما مجلات ضعيف زيادي هم در آن وجود دارد. مقررات فعلي، دانشجوي دكترا را مجبور مي كند تا در يك مجله فهرست شده درISI مقاله داشته باشد و به ضعف و قوت مجله چندان كاري ندارد.
? داستان چاپ شدن مقاله اي بي محتوا كه به وسيله يك نرم افزار توليد شده بود و دانشجويان دانشكده كامپيوتر دانشگاه شريف آن را در يك نشريه
ISI به چاپ رسانده بودند چه بود؟
مقاله اي با يك نرم افزار معروف به صورت خودكار تهيه و توسط چند دانشجوي دكتراي رياضي شريف براي يك مجله
ISI كه به وسيله ناشر معتبر Elsevierمنتشر مي شود، فرستاده شد. با خواندن حتي خلاصه اين مقاله به راحتي به هجو بودن آن مي شد پي برد. اين كار را به اين دليل انجام دادند تا نشان دهند برخي از اين نشريات خيلي ضعيف هستند. مسئولان مجله مقاله را پس از دو هفته بدون ايرادي پذيرفتند و در نوبت چاپ قرار دادند. چند ماه در نوبت چاپ بود تا اخيراً پس از افشاي اين مطلب آن را برداشتند. افرادي هستند كه در مدت ? سال بيش از ?? مقاله فقط در اين نشريه چاپ كرده اند. هجوم زيادي از سوي برخي در ايران براي چاپ در آن ديده مي شد. ناشر اين نشريه معروف است ولي اعتبار يك نشريه را سردبير و كميته علمي آن تعيين مي كند. خوشبختانه كار اين دانشجويان خيلي تأثير گذار بود.
? ولي در هر حال چاپ مقاله در نشريات
ISI تا حدي كيفيت علمي مقالات را كنترل مي كند؟!
هر چند كه
ISI موجب نوعي نظارت حداقلي بر كيفيت علمي مقالات شده است، اما اين به هيچ وجه كافي نيست. شناسايي مجلات نامعتبر در ميان نشريات ISI بسيار ضروري است. اما در حال حاضر اين كار انجام نمي شود. آئين نامه ها و مقررات فعلي توليد انبوه و افزايش كمي مقالات را تشويق مي كند وبه كيفيت كاري ندارد.
? گاهي اوقات چيزهايي در باره جايگزيني معيارهاي داخلي به جاي
ISI مي شنويم. آيا با اين جايگزيني نمي شود اين گونه مشكلات ISI را برطرف كرد؟
آنچه درباره معيار داخلي مي گويند به گمان من نقاط ضعف به مراتب بيشتري از
ISI دارد و برداشت خيلي ها اين است برخي كه نمي توانند در مقالات معتبر خارجي مقاله هاي خود را به چاپ برسانند به دنبال يك راه فرار هستند و آن هم معيار داخلي جايگزين ISI است. البته قبول دارم كه در برخي زمينه هاي علوم انساني مجلات معتبر خارجي وجود ندارد. اما ما مي توانيم اين مجلات را ايجاد و آنها را پس از مدتي در ISI به ثبت برسانيم. به نظر من اين جايگزيني آشفتگي ارتقاي استادان را شديدتر مي كند.

? آيا در ايران مجله اي كه در
ISIفهرست شود وجود دارد؟
قبلاً تعداد كمي بود كه يكي از آنها مجله «علوم و فناوري» دانشگاه شيراز است كه از سال هاي پيش در اين فهرست قرار گرفته است.
ولي ظاهراً در حال حاضر بيش از ?? مجله از ايران به صورت
ISI ثبت شده است و اين جاي خوشحالي دارد. البته مجلات داخلي معتبر ديگري هم در ايران چاپ مي شود كه به دلايلي هنور نتوانسته اند در اين فهرست قرار بگيرند. قاعدتاً اگر يك مجله شرايط اين مؤسسه را داشته باشد، پس از مدتي توسط آن فهرست مي شود. بنابراين به جاي ايجاد يك ISI ديگر بهتر است سعي كنيم مجلات خود را با كيفيت تر كنيم تا بتوانيم آنها را در اين جا ثبت كنيم .
? آيا خود
ISI هيچ برآورد كيفيتي از مقالات فهرست شده اش انجام نمي دهد؟
البته. در سايت
Web of Knowledge اين مؤسسه اطلاعات خيلي خوبي از مجلات و مقالات و حتي مؤلفان تهيه مي شود (مانند ضريب تأثير، درصد ارجاعات و . . .) كه از آنها مي توان به كيفيت يك مجله يا مقاله پي برد. اخيراً هم ضريبي به نام hindex به عنوان شاخصي براي توان علمي مؤلفان محاسبه مي شود. البته اين شاخص هنوز عمومي نشده و بحث هاي زيادي در مورد آن در جريان است. اين شاخص براي بيشتر محققان ايراني خيلي پائين است و اين يعني اين كه ما در مواجهه با مقاله نويسي علمي، كيفيت را فداي كميت كرده ايم.
?چگونه كميت به كيفيت ترجيح داده ميشود؟
دانشجوي دكترا مجبور است در زمان كمي كه در اختيار دارد، مقاله
ISI چاپ كند و اين شرط فارغ التحصيلي او در مقطع دكترا است. نتيجه طبيعي اين است كه در ميان نشريات ISI، نشريات ضعيف و سهل گير مورد توجه بيشتري واقع شود تا بتوان مقاله نه چندان قوي را در آن منتشر ساخت. اين نكته قابل توجه است كه در برخي رشته ها مانند رشته كامپيوتر اصولاً كنفرانس هاي معتبر جايگاه مهم تري از مجلات دارند. و البته مقالا تي كه در اين كنفرانس ها چاپ مي شوند قطعاً پس از مدتي در يك مجله خوب هم قابل چاپ است. بسياري از استادان خوب دانشگاه هاي خارج از كشور درچنين رشته هايي اصلاً تأكيد چنداني بر مقاله نويسي دانشجويان در مجلات ندارند، بلكه به جاي مجلات به كنفرانس هاي معتبر اهميت مي دهند كه هم سريعتر مي توان در آن چاپ كرد و هم به عنوان مرز دانش توسط محققان ديگر در آن زمينه خوانده مي شود.

? در خلال مباحثاتي كه درباره
ISI درگرفته است، يكي از استادان گفته بود برخي با دادن پول مقاله هاي خود را در مجلات چاپ مي كنند. آيا اين موضوع صحت دارد؟
بله. مثلاً
WSEAS ارگاني است كه ظاهراً در قبرس قرار دارد و سالانه تعداد زيادي كنفرانس برگزار مي كند و تقريباً به طور خودكار مقالات ارائه شده در كنفرانس ها را درچيزي به نام ژورنال هم چاپ مي كند. البته براي هر مقاله حدود ??? دلار هم مي گيرد! من خودم مقاله غلطي براي اين ارگان عمداً فرستادم كه پذيرفته شد ولي چون پول نداديم چاپ نشد! اين يك مجله پولي است و البته الان ديگر در دانشگاه هاي داخل هم اعتباري ندارد. ولي قبل ازمعلوم شدن وضع آن در داخل بسياري در آن مقاله نوشتند و شايد ارتقا هم پيدا كرده باشند. از اين گونه مجلات كم نيستند. تشخيص آنها نياز به دقت نظر دارد. توجه نكردن به اين امر اثرات منفي زيادي روي استادان و دانشجويان دكترا گذاشته است.
? وجه ديگر انتقادي كه به معيار قرارگرفتن
ISI براي ارتقاي استادان مي شود اين است كه اين رويكرد فاصله دانشگاه و مسائل جامعه را زياد مي كند، يعني با اين رويكرد دانشگاه مسائلي را براي پژوهش بر مي گزيند كه مورد توجه مجلات ISI است و نه مسائل واقعي جامعه خود را. مثلاً در رشته هاي فني چنين رويكردي موجب افزايش شكاف دانشگاه و صنعت مي شود. نظر شما دراين باره چيست؟
پژوهش طيفي وسيع و امري جهاني است. ما بايد مقالاتي در سطح جهان داشته باشيم و آن مقالات يقيناً به كار داخل نمي آيد. ولي بايد پژوهش هايي هم باشد كه به مشكلات داخل بپردازد. بزرگ ترين شركت هاي صنعتي در ايران
D & R بسيار ضعيفي دارند و اين موجب مي شود كه نتوان براي آنها كار دانشگاهي كرد. پژوهشگراني كه مقالات جهاني مي نويسند به احتمال زياد مي توانند براي مشكلات داخلي هم چاره انديشي كنند. گرفتاري عمده ما اين است كه سطح پژوهشي موردنياز داخل بسيار ضعيف است و حمايت مالي كافي هم نمي شود، در نتيجه دانشمند ما خود را وقف آن نمي كند، بلكه ترجيح مي دهد به سمت كارهاي جهاني برود.
سياستگذاري در پژوهش هم اشكال جدي دارد و انتظارات كوتاه مدت است. مثلاً مراكز اقتصادي مي خواهند اگر هزار تومان براي پژوهش سرمايه مي گذارند، همان را هم برداشت كنند. در صورتي كه پژوهش آثار بلندمدت دارد و ممكن است در كوتاه مدت با سرمايه گذاري هزار تومان، فقط ?? تومان بازده داشته باشد. اما اگر در اين كار ممارست داشته باشيم به نتيجه مي رسيم. ما نبايد جلوي پژوهش هاي بين المللي را بگيريم زيرا رجوع دانشمند به سپهر جهاني علم امري طبيعي است، بلكه بايد ساز و كار ها را به نحوي تغيير داد كه پژوهش درمسائل داخلي وسعت پيدا كند. رويكرد مثبتي براي سرمايه گذاري در بخش پژوهش به چشم نمي خورد و بودجه پژوهشي فعلي از آنچه در برنامه ? ساله هم آمده كمتر است.
در شوروي سابق ارتش سفارش دهنده اصلي پژوهش بود و در آمريكا هم ارتش و بازار سفارش دهندگان اصلي پژوهش هستند و آنها را در راستاي مسائلشان جهت مي دهند. اما پژوهش هاي ما در ايران عمدتاً معطوف به مسائلي است كه از بيرون مي آيد.
به طور قطع. بخش زيادي از علومي كه ما در دانشگاه ها تدريس مي كنيم وارداتي است و فاصله علمي باموطن آنها خيلي زياد است و طبيعتاً مسائل آن هم از آنجا مي آيد و نه از داخل. ساز و كار ارتباط پژوهش با صنعت در چنان كشورهايي به كلي متفاوت است. دانشكده ها در آن كشور ها با حمايت صنعت به وجود مي آيند و يا از بين مي روند.

اينجا فاصله نهاد علم و نهادهاي صنعتي خيلي زياد است. اما اين نبايد منجر به جلوگيري از پژوهش هاي مراكز پژوهشي بشودكه مسائلشان عمدتاً داخلي نيست. ما توان تحقيق روي مسائل داخلي را قطعاً داريم اما سياست هاي پژوهشي بايد به تدريج اين توان را هدايت كند. بايد فرد بتواند هم روي مسائل داخلي و هم بين المللي كار كند. افرادي در همين دانشگاه ما هستندكه به خوبي از پس هر دو برآمده اند و در هر دو مورد كاملاً موفق اند.

استانداردهاي لازم براي مقاله نويسي در
ISI:

گارگاه مقاله‌نويسي مركز تحقيق و توسعه علوم انساني (سمت) كارگاه مقاله‌نويسي با هدف عرضه معيارهاي آكادميك نگارش مقاله پژوهشي بر اساس استانداردهاي مؤسسه
ISI برگزار شد.
مهم‌ترين بخشهاي كارگاه عبارت بودند از:

چرا يك مقاله پژوهشي مي‌نويسم؛
يك مقاله پژوهشي چيست؟
انتخاب موضوع
جستجوي منابع
يادداشت برداري
روند نگارش
طرح و پيش‌نويس
ساختار مقاله
الگوي بخشهاي مختلف مقاله
ويژگيهاي بخشهاي مختلف مقاله
شيوه‌هاي ارجاع دهنده
ذكرمنابع
ميزگرد نقش
ISI در رشد علمي ايران:

عصر روز جمعه 16 آذر ماه 1386ميزگردي در كتابخانه ملي ايران برگزار شد تحت عنوان «ارتباط پيشرفت علمي جامعه و نمايه سازي بين المللي مقالات» . مباحث عمدتا حول و حوش
ISI و ISC دور مي زد .

گزارشي از اين ميزگرد:
فقط 2 درصد مقالات علمي چاپ شده توسط محققان ايراني در
ISI (مكانيسم نمايه سازي مقالات علمي در سطح بين المللي)، در داخل كشور قابل استفاده است.دكتر محمد يلپاني، استاد رشته شيمي، در همايش و ميزگرد «ارتباط پيشرفت علمي جامعه و نمايه سازي بين المللي مقالات» كه با حضور معاون پژوهشي وزير علوم و جمعي از متخصصان رشته هاي مختلف شيمي، مهندسي، كتابداري، علوم اجتماعي و فني از دانشگاه هاي مختلف ايران و مسئولان پژوهشگاه اسناد و اطلاعات علمي ايران در محل كتابخانه ملي ايران برگزار شد، ضمن اعلام اين مطلب كه مورد تاييد حاضران نيز قرار گرفت، خاطرنشان كرد: بايد ديد كه آيا مقالات علمي ما در داخل كشور نيز قادر به حل مشكلات مي باشد يا خير. اين در حالي است كه طبق آمارهاي موجود تنها 2 درصد مقالات ISI ايران در داخل كشور قابل استفاده است.دكتر منصور كبكانيان، معاون پژوهشي وزارت علوم، تحقيقات و فناوري در اين گردهمايي 6 ساعته اظهار داشت: با موضوع سيستم هاي نمايه سازي بين المللي و از جمله ISI، برخوردهاي رسانه اي صورت گرفته، در حالي كه موضوع مذكور بسيار حساس و مهم است و نمي توان به سادگي از آن گذر كرد. 2 سال پيش هم گردهمايي در اين زمينه در دانشگاه تهران برگزار كرديم. همچنين در جلسات شوراي عالي انقلاب فرهنگي هم بحث تندي در اين باره مطرح شد.شورا حتي درباره رتبه بندي دانشگاه هاي جهان و دلايل قرار نگرفتن دانشگاه هاي ايران در فهرست 500 دانشگاه برتر جهان انتقادهايي به ما وارد كرد، حتي رهبر معظم انقلاب طي مكتوبي در قالب 13 تا 14 سوال دقيق از ما پرسيده اند كه چرا چنين شده است، حتي شاخص ها را پرسيده اند و اين سوال كه آيا برخورد سياسي شده است يا نه لذا مي بينيد موضوع از حساسيت بالايي برخوردار است.در همين راستا نتايج رتبه بندي دانشگاه هاي جهان اسلام تا پايان بهمن ماه سال جاري منتشر مي شود. دكتر كبكانيان گفت: من علاقه اي به رتبه بندي دانشگاه ها در داخل كشور ندارم، چون ابزارش را نداريم و نظر غير كارشناسانه دردي را دوا نمي كند. اما وقتي قضيه در سطح جهاني مطرح مي شود فرق مي كند براين اساس كشورهاي اسلامي نيز نسبت به قرار نداشتن نام دانشگاه هاي جهان اسلام در فهرست جهاني گله مند هستند، بانك اسلامي در جده قول داده است به 20 دانشگاه برتر جهان اسلام بودجه خوبي براي رقابت بين المللي اختصاص دهد.معاون پژوهشي وزارت علوم اضافه كرد: وقتي به مسئله ورود پيدا كرديم، دريافتيم كه در خيلي از شاخص ها عقب هستيم. به عنوان مثال در رتبه بندي شانگهاي، 90 درصد شاخص ها همان شاخص هاي ISI است، به همين دليل در 2 همايش كه با شركت نمايندگان 57 كشور اسلامي برگزار شد، درصدد برآمديم تا شاخص هاي جديدي مانند «معيارهاي آموزشي و تاثير دانشگاه ها بر صنعت» را در رتبه بندي ها وارد كنيم، ولي 75 درصد ملاك هاي ارزيابي دانشگاه هاي جهان اسلام همان ملاك هاي بين المللي است.وي از مسئولان ميزگرد به طور اكيد خواست تا به صورت شفاف به موضوع ISI و مسائل مرتبط با آن بپردازند و راهكار عملي ارائه دهند، چرا كه روساي قواي سه گانه نيز در جلسات شوراي عالي انقلاب فرهنگي در اين مورد از وي سوال مي كنند و او نمي خواهد نظر فردي خود را اعلام كند.دكتر كبكانيان اضافه كرد: مجله ها و نشريات علمي- پژوهشي در ايران طي سال هاي اخير از رشد كمي و كيفي خوبي برخوردار بوده است، حتي در حوزه علميه قم نيز تحرك مثبتي در اين زمينه صورت گرفته است كه بايد از اين فرصت ها براي توليد دانش استفاده شود.در ادامه، اعضاي ميزگرد كه شامل متخصصان مختلف بودند، به اظهارنظر و تبادل نظر پرداختند.از جمله اعضاي ميزگرد مي توان به دكتر فاطمي، مدير كل پشتيباني و خدمات پژوهشي وزارت علوم، دكتر محمد علي زلفي گل عضو هيئت علمي دانشگاه بوعلي سينا، دكتر حسين غريبي از پژوهشگاه اطلاعات و مدارك علمي ايران و دكتر عبدالرضا نوروزي چاكلي مدير گروه علم سنجي مركز تحقيقات سياست علمي كشور اشاره كرد.

محتواي مقاله هاي ارائه شده در ارتباط با نيازهاي جامعه نيست
دكتر يلپاني، استاد رشته شيمي، با اشاره به اين كه متاسفانه محتواي مقاله هاي ارائه شده ايرانيان و انديكس شده در
ISI، در ارتباط با نيازهاي جامعه نيست، گفت: «اخلاق علمي در چاپ مقاله ها رعايت نمي شود. گاهي اسم مقاله عوض و دوباره در جاي ديگري چاپ مي شود. هيچ يك از مقاله هاي توليد شده قابليت تبديل به صنعت را ندارد، مثلا بيشتر مقاله هاي شيمي ايران، نه در ايران و نه در خارج، استفاده صنعتي ندارد. ما در واقع فقط در آمار و عدد و رقم رشد كرده ايم.»

براي توليد ثروت از دانش راهكاري نداريم
دكتر زلفي گل، عضو هيئت علمي دانشگاه بوعلي سينا در ادامه اين گردهمايي تاكيد كرد: «براي توليد ثروت از دانش هيچ راهكاري نداريم، توليد مقاله فقط يكي از شاخص هاي توسعه است، دانشگاه ها علاوه بر آموزش و پژوهش، بايد مشكل گشاي جامعه هم باشند بدون بودجه پژوهشي مناسب، مقاله توليد نمي شود. چرا اكثر پايان نامه هاي ما به چاپ مقاله يا كتاب منجر نمي شود در زمينه آموزش استاندارد داريم، اما در زمينه پژوهش خير. ايجاد پايگاه هاي اطلاعات علمي ضرورتي انكارناپذير است، هزار ميليارد تومان صرف بودجه پژوهش در يك سال مي شود، اما مقاله هاي توليدي به نحو صحيح نمايه سازي نمي شود،
ISI يك شاخص است نبايد آن را انكار كنيم. بايد به فكر حل مشكلاتمان باشيم تا كار تكراري انجام ندهيم. توليد علم وابسته به تحصيلات تكميلي است 18 سال تا تحقق سند چشم انداز وقت داريم، ما مي توانيم در منطقه اول شويم.»

براي توليد علم بايد پايه زبان انگليسي تقويت شود
دكتر غريبي، از پژوهشگاه اطلاعات و مدارك علمي ايران با اشاره به اين نكته مهم كه 90 درصد مقاله هاي علمي
ISI به زبان انگليسي است، تاكيد كرد: «پس بايد براي توليد علم، به تقويت پايه زبان انگليسي در دانشگاه ها و نظام آموزشي بپردازيم. براي ارتقاي ارتباطات علمي، بايد سيستم «به اشتراك گذاري منابع» را راه اندازي كنيم. در واقع دانش و مهارت انساني، سياست هاي پژوهش و پشتيباني از پژوهش 3 ركن اصلي پيشرفت علمي است».

براي رشد علمي بايد زمينه همكاري بين المللي را فراهم كرد
دكتر عصاره، از دانشگاه شهيد چمران اهواز معتقد است:«براي رشد علمي، بايد زمينه همكاري انديشمندان ايراني را با ديگر متفكران رشته هاي مرتبط در خارج از كشور فراهم كرد چرا كه يكي از ملاك هاي
ISI، همكاري بين المللي در تاليف و تدوين مقاله هاي علمي است. همچنين آثار نويسندگان مختلفي كه در مقالات علمي مورد استناد قرار گرفته است شاخص مهمي در ISI محسوب مي شود، هر قدر استناد مقاله هاي علمي به مجله هاي علمي بيشتر باشد، اعتبار يا ضريب تاثير آن مجله ها بيشتر خواهد بود در حالي كه بررسي نشان مي دهد، بيشتر منابع و مآخذ مقاله هاي علمي توليد شده در ايران، كتاب ها و مقاله هاي داخلي است».

ملاك هاي علم سنجي
به گفته دكتر نوروزي، مدير گروه علم سنجي مركز تحقيقات سياست هاي علمي كشور، به مولفه هاي اطلاعاتي رشد و توسعه علم، علم سنجي گفته مي شود كه شامل اين موارد است: تعداد مقاله ها، پروانه هاي ثبت اختراع، نشريات علمي، قوانين مربوط به مرور زمان، انتشارات علمي، ساختار جريان گردش مدارك علمي و فرآيندهاي استنادي.به تازگي فاكتور جديدي به نام «پرستيژ فاكتور» جايگزين «فاكتور تاثير» شده است. درباره مجله هاي «دسترسي آزاد» بايد گفت هر مقاله بين 500 تا 1000 يورو براي ناشر هزينه دارد و بين 3 تا 5 هزار دلار از آن سود مي برد بنابراين اگر قرار باشد «دسترسي آزاد و رايگان» به آن مقاله ها ايجاد شود، اين پرسش ايجاد مي شود كه هزينه ناشر از كجا بايد تامين شود. يكي از راهكارها، اخذ هزينه از خود نويسنده است كه از او مطالبه 15 هزار يورو براي هر مقاله مي كنند، اما راه ديگري هم وجود دارد و آن انتشار 500 كلمه از مقاله به صورت رايگان است.در ادامه گردهمايي دكتر غريبي در نقد عملكرد
ISC، پايگاه نمايه سازي مقاله هاي جهان اسلام گفت:« من با ISC مخالفم، جهان اسلام زبان هاي متفاوتي دارد، مالايي، عربي، فارسي، روسي و انگليسي، چرا مقاله بايد به زبان انگليسي نمايه شود، در حالي كه حتي در خود ISI هم زبان فارسي قابليت ايندكس شدن دارد.»در همين رابطه دكتر حري، استاد رشته كتابداري و علوم اطلاع رساني، اظهار داشت:« اگر چكيده مقاله هاي نشريات علمي به انگليسي تبديل نشود و انتشار عمومي نيابد، قابل استناد و رديابي نيست. در اين صورت، مقالات ژورنال هاي علمي به مطالب روزنامه رسمي تبديل مي شود كه فقط براي درج در پرونده پرسنلي استادان در بايگاني دانشگاه ها به درد مي خورد»

اظهارات برخي از شركت كنندگان در همايش
-«وب سايت نشريات علمي ايران داراي آرشيو قوي نيست».
-«اسامي ژورنال هاي فارسي مشكل دارد مثلا در دانشگاه تهران «
journal of scienc» داريم كه با مجلات مشابه خارجي همنام است».
- چين، بهترين آثار فيزيك دانان خود را انتخاب و بعد از ترجمه در مجله ديگري به نام «فيزيك در چين» منتشر مي كند، مي توان اين تجربه را در ايران نيز استفاده كرد.
- «مقاله هاي همين «
journal of science» دانشگاه تهران در كدام ژورنال يا پايگاه استنادي ايران، مورد استناد قرار گرفته است»
- «مسئله ميلادي كردن تاريخ ما هم يك مشكل است كه بايد در تبديل مقاله هاي علمي به زبان انگليسي به آن توجه شود.»
- «از 1500 نشريه منتشر شده در ايران 380 نشريه علمي- پژوهشي يا علمي- ترويجي است و از اين ميان 270 نشريه تحت نظر وزارت علوم و 108 نشريه تحت نظر وزارت بهداشت است.»
-«طبق تحقيقي كه در دانشكده فني دانشگاه تهران شده است، تا 2 سال پيش كمتر از 20 درصد دانشجويان
ISI را مي شناختند، هم اكنون اين رقم به 50 درصد رسيده است ولي باز هم فقط 10 درصد از آن ها روش استفاده از ابزار ISI را بلدند».
- «
ISIابزاري است براي اين كه نسبت به تحقيقات ديگران اطلاع پيدا كنيم و چرخ چاه را دوباره اختراع نكنيم»
-«وزارت علوم هر ساله مبلغ سنگيني بابت عضويت در سيستم استفاده از ابزار
ISI پرداخت مي كند، ولي استفاده مناسب از اين ابزار در دانشگاه ها نمي شود.»
-« بايد ديد آيا مقاله هاي علمي ما، در ساختار مشكلات كشور هم حل مشكل مي كند. برخي استادان رشته هاي برق و شيمي مي گويند فقط 2 درصد اين مقاله ها در ايران قابل استفاده است، يعني ما با توليد مقاله هاي شيمي و انتشار در
ISI به رشد علمي غرب كمك مي كنيم».
- «ايجاد يك سيستم نمايه سازي مقاله هاي علمي ايران و انتشار عمومي و رايگان اطلاعات در سطح ملي ضروري است».

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